Table of Contents |
Benjamin Mendelson first introduced the term “victimology” at a lecture for the Romanian Psychiatric Society in 1947, followed by an article in 1956 calling for the creation of a discipline of victimology that would be independent of criminology, and would bring needed attention to victims of crime. For this contribution, Mendelsohn is often called the “father of victimology” (Wemmers, 2017). Mendelsohn’s (1956) early work also explored relationships between survivors and perpetrators, focusing on how responsible survivors were for what happened to them.
One of the central concerns of victimology was identified by Marxist criminologist Richard Quinney. Quinney (1972) famously asked, “Who is the victim?” and argued that “the victim” is a socially constructed phenomenon. In other words, for someone to be recognized as a survivor, there needs to be some agreement within society.
Criminologist Nils Christie developed a typology of the “ideal victim,” suggesting categories of people who are most likely to receive “the complete and legitimate status of being a victim” when they are harmed. Christie (1986) suggests this is most likely to happen when the survivor is perceived as weak, engaged in a respectable activity, not seen as responsible for contributing to their victimization, and does not know the offender.
The opposite is also true: When people’s experiences of victimization do not align with these characteristics, they may not be recognized as legitimate survivors. Scott (2021) argues that single offenses that occur in public spaces with strangers tend to receive harsher penalties from the criminal justice system than offenses that occur in private, even when these are repeat offenses by a person in a position of trust. This can lead to an erosion of trust in the criminal justice system and subsequently, reluctance to report future victimization.
In the following sections, we will examine some common theories and perspectives used to explain why victimization occurs, such as victim precipitation theory, routine activity theory, and lifestyle theories. We will also discuss critical victimology.
Victim precipitation, also known as victim facilitation, refers to situations where the survivor was the initial aggressor in the action that led to their harm or loss. The theory was first coined by Marvin Wolfgang, in his 1957 study of homicide. Wolfgang examined 588 homicides that occurred in Philadelphia between 1948 and 1952 and found that in a quarter of his sample, the victim was the first to engage in physical violence, or in other words, the victim was the initial aggressor. A major criticism of this theory is the assumption that the victim and the offender enter an interaction as equals, dismissing any power imbalances or dynamics at hand (Scott, 2016).
Research like Wolfgang’s (1958) has given rise to the phenomenon of victim blaming, which occurs when the survivor of a crime is held responsible, in whole or in part, for their own victimization. Blame stems from a belief that there are specific actions people can take to avoid being harmed. When such actions are not followed, others are not likely to sympathize with the survivor, as they see the crime as avoidable if the survivor had chosen to take the appropriate measures. Victim blaming can take the form of negative social responses from legal, medical, and mental health professionals, the media, immediate family members, and other acquaintances (CRCVC, 2009).
You may ask yourself, why do people blame survivors? Some research has suggested that blaming crime survivors helps reassure the person assigning blame that they are safe; if they do not act as the survivor did at the time of their victimization, they will be unharmed (Karmen, 2020). Another reason victims are blamed is attribution error, which occurs when individuals overemphasize personal characteristics and devalue environmental characteristics when judging others (CRCVC, 2009). People who make this error view the individual survivor as partially responsible for what happened to them and ignore situational causes.
EXAMPLE
If a survivor was sexually assaulted by someone while attending a party, some individuals may blame the survivor for being assaulted based on what they were wearing or because they were consuming alcohol at that time, rather than taking into consideration the motivation of the offender.Victim blaming can have serious and negative effects on survivors, who have been deemed at fault even though they bear no responsibility for the crimes committed against them. Victim advocates argue that victim blaming undermines survivor status while simultaneously excusing the offender for the crime (Petherick, 2017). Survivors who receive negative responses and blame tend to experience greater distress and are less likely to report future victimization (CRCVC, 2009).
Routine activity theory was first proposed by Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson in 1979. Cohen and Felson (1979) suggested that the risk of criminal victimization increases when there is the intersection of:
In the context of victimology, lifestyle theories focus on how peoples’ activities and behaviors contribute to their likelihood of being victimized.
EXAMPLE
According to lifestyle theories, choices like associating with certain groups, being out late at night in public places, or residing in urban areas can increase the risk of victimization. Conversely, taking precautions, such as staying home at night, living in rural areas, avoiding public places, having a stable income, or being married can lower the risk of victimization.These theories propose that crime is not just a random event; crime is influenced by how individuals lead their lives and their environments.
EXAMPLE
Individuals who lead high-risk lifestyles, which may involve activities like drinking, drug use, late-night outings, and spending time away from home or on the streets, face a significantly higher likelihood of becoming victims of crime.These lifestyle-related risks persist into adulthood, as individuals who engage in criminal behavior increase their likelihood of becoming victims of crimes like homicide themselves. The connection between victimization and a criminal lifestyle is likely more about exposure to risk than about an inherent inclination for victimization (Siegel, 2023).
Critical victimology combines the concept of the “ideal victim” with intersectionality, or framing how the identities are layered within each other, to deconstruct victim blaming by calling attention to the ways race, gender, class, and other identities shape social constructions of victimization (Spencer & Walklate, 2016).
EXAMPLE
Critical victimologists would recognize that the anti-violence against women movement has increased the resources available to female survivors of intimate partner violence and sexual violence, but that women who are Indigenous, trans, or homeless may not have equal access to those resources and may be treated differently within victim services or the criminal justice system. Similarly, male survivors of intimate partner violence or sexual violence have reported difficulties accessing services or being believed when they ask for help (Cohen, 2014).Source: THIS TUTORIAL HAS BEEN ADAPTED FROM KWANTLEN POLYTECHNIC UNIVERSITY’S “INTRODUCTION TO CRIMINOLOGY.” ACCESS FOR FREE AT kpu.pressbooks.pub/introcrim/. LICENSE: CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION 4.0 INTERNATIONAL.
REFERENCES
Canadian Resource Centre for Victims of Crime (CRCVC). (2009, August). Victim blaming. crcvc.ca/docs/victim_blaming.pdf
CBC News (2021, October 28). Groups allege victim blaming in date-rape drug case acquittal. CBC News Ottawa. www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/ottawa-court-eddie-ekiyor-1.6228018
Christie, N. (1986). The ideal victim. In E. Fattah (Ed.), From crime policy to victim policy (pp. 17-30). Palgrave Macmillan.
Cohen, C. (2014). Male rape is a feminist issue: Feminism, governmentality, and male rape. Springer.
Cohen, L. & Felson, M. (1979). Social change and crime rate trends: a routine activity approach. American Sociological Review, 44(4), 588-608.
Karmen, A. (2020). Crime victims: An introduction to victimology (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.
McGarry, R. & Walklate, S. (2015). Victims: Trauma, testimony, justice. Routledge.
Mendelsohn, B. (1956). Une nouvelle branche de la science bio-psycho-social: La victimologie. Revue de droit pénale et de criminologie, 10(2), 95-109.
Petherick, W. (2017). Victim precipitation: Why we need to expand upon the theory. Forensic Research & Criminology International Journal, 5(2). medcraveonline.com/FRCIJ/victim-precipitation-why-we-need-to-expand-upon-the-theory.html#:~:text=Studying%20precipitation%20helps%20understand%20risk,outside%20of%20their%20immediate%20control.
Quinney, R. (1972). Who is the victim? Criminology, 10(3), 314-323.
Scott, H. (2021, May 4). The differences in application of legislation and criminal justice practice to address issues experienced by victims of private versus public violence. Office of the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime.www.victimsfirst.gc.ca/res/cor/PVPV-VPVP/index.html
Siegel, L. (2023). Criminology (8th ed.). Boston: Cengage.
Spencer, D. C., & Walklate, S. L. (Eds.). (2016). Reconceptualizing critical victimology: Interventions and possibilities. Lexington Books.
Wemmers, J. (2017). Victimology: A Canadian Perspective. University of Toronto Press.
Wolfgang, M. (1957). Victim precipitated criminal homicide. The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science, 48(1), 1-11.